The Impact of Cumulative Risk on Parenting Behaviors as Mediated by Parental Distress

Cumulative risk is a salient construct addressed in family dynamics research. There have been multiple relationships established among cumulative risk, parenting, and child outcomes through previous research. The current study furthered this body of research by addressing the role of parenting distress within models predicting parenting behaviors within a context of risk. Cumulative risk, parenting, child behavior, and transactional relationships highlighted the relationships between an environment of risk and resulting parenting outcomes. It was predicted that parental distress will act as a mediator variable between the baseline cumulative risk and later parenting behaviors. This hypothesis was tested using data from the national evaluation of Early Head Start federal program. Multiple regression analyses testing this mediation model were analyzed for three different parenting outcomes: supportiveness, intrusiveness, and parent-child interaction. For supportiveness and parent-child interaction the hypothesized mediation relationship of parental distress was supported. The resulting findings have implications for future research and family interventions, especially in the environmental context of risk. CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 4 The Impact of Cumulative Risk on Parenting Behaviors as Mediated by Parental Distress Much research in developmental psychology centers on preventing children’s psychosocial and psychological disorders, and fostering positive child adjustment (Sameroff & Fiese, 2000; Yates, Obradovic, & Egeland, 2010). Child adjustment is in part a result of individual child characteristics; however, referencing Bronfenbrenner’s ecological model of development, the context of development can be just as important as child characteristics. Developmental context includes parenting behaviors and external environment. Both of these contextual factors can greatly affect child adjustment. The increasing prevalence of single-parent families, declines in family resources, and increase in mothers in the work-force has contributed to greater ecological risk and compromised parenting, both of which are salient negative factors contributing to development. These societal shifts necessitate further research into parenting behaviors in the context of risk, as it will have direct implications for interventions targeting positive child growth (Sameroff & Fiese, 2000). Factors Influencing Parenting Cumulative Risk Some previous research primarily focused on one risk factor that influences parenting decisions, such as neighborhood context or psychological distress (Bank, Forgatch, Patterson, & Fetrow, 1993). However, Sameroff and Fiese (2000) discovered that one single factor cannot determine positive or negative outcome; the power of risk is through the accumulation of a large number of negative influences. According to Arditti, Burton, and Neeves-Botelho (2010), cumulative risk is a dynamic phenomenon, involving the interplay between previous disadvantages and current difficulties, and the CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 5 reciprocal relationship of the two intertwined. While each factor separately does not inherently predict negative outcomes, the combination of multiple factors yields evidence that cumulative risk predicts compromised parenting behaviors (Ceballo & Hurd, 2008). The salient literature encompassed risks including neighborhood location, parental unemployment, low family income, single-parent households, multiple children, racial or ethnic disadvantaged, or homes where a parent is incarcerated (Bank et al., 1993; Ceballo & Hurd, 2008; Sameroff & Fiese, 2000). Whatever the combination of these and other risk factors, it is evident that cumulative risk has strong ties to adverse child development, maladjustment, and maladaptive parenting practices (Bank et al., 1993). Indeed, different combinations of risk factors yielded the same outcomes; the number of risk factors is more pervasive than any specific type of risk (Sameroff & Fiese, 2000). Not only is cumulative risk associated with negative child outcomes, but it also affects parenting behaviors. Many of the measured accumulated risk factors are directly related to parents, such as parent employment, education, marital status, or mental status (Bank et al., 1993; Sameroff & Fiese, 2000). These parents have multiple competing roles that increase stress as they juggle being single parents and working multiple jobs, or having less support and low socioeconomic status, all of which has been linked to compromised parenting (Belsky, 1984; Pinderhughes, Dodge, Bates, Pettit, & Zelli, 2000; Rodgers, 1998). Thus, risk factors have been linked directly and indirectly to negative family outcomes (Sameroff & Fiese, 2000; Weinraub & Wolfe, 1983). CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 6 General Stress Previously, most of the connections between parenting behaviors and stress were drawn in reference to major life stress events, such as a divorce or sudden move (Crnic & Greenburg, 1990). Thus, evidence of distress in a target individual or family’s environment was customarily attributed to major life events that are stressful (Ceballo & Hurd, 2008). However, credence should be given to the daily transactional demands that are everyday stressors. Daily frustrations and annoyances compound and create more parent responsibilities, as parents try to navigate increasing their child’s socialization in addition to their own (Crnic & Greenburg, 1990). Additionally, over time, parenting daily hassles contribute not only to compromised parenting, but also to dysfunction in the transactional dyadic relationship between parent and child (Crnic & Booth, 1991). Thus stress can have both a direct and an indirect effect on overall family health, as stressors themselves wreak havoc, and can indirectly affect maternal cognitions and appraisals of ability, lowering a woman’s perceived competence and making her job as a parent seem more daunting (Rodgers, 1998). Furthermore, in a context of cumulative risk, stress factors have been discovered to be relatively stable throughout the preschool period, which contributes to a higher possibility of compromised parenting, in turn compromising family health (Crnic, Gaze, & Hoffman, 2005). Many of the negative influences of general stress or daily hassles are buffered through a strong social network, as the mother is able to step out of her competing roles for a time, or can find someone else who identifies and shares the same conflict making parenting seem less overwhelming (Weinraub & Wolf, 1983). CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 7 Parental Distress According to Anthony, et al. (2005), parental distress is specifically the “difficulty that arises from being a parent” (p.134). This difficulty arises from a myriad of factors involving the multifaceted ecological systems and relationships that are characteristic of parenting demands in current cultural contexts. Deater-Deckard and Scarr (1996) discovered that low income and low maternal education were associated with high parenting stress. Additionally, in families with younger children, parents found the responsibilities of parenting more overwhelming. Some of the factors that have been purportedly linked to parenting distress were child and parent temperament, the level of and cumulative responsibility that the parent feels, in addition to psychological wellbeing of the parent and child (Anthony et al., 2005). According to Ceballo and Hurd (2008), parenting stress is derived from the parent being overwhelmed by their daily demands, especially when the home is located in a risky neighborhood. Crnic and Greenburg (1990) found evidence for a both an indirect and a direct relationship between parenting stresses and parent behavior. In addition, Weinraub and Wolfe (1983) discovered that in single parent families, greater stresses and lesser support (risk factors) were linked to parenting choices and responses. Of the daily stress factors identified, household responsibility was found to be most stressful, as the increased work load required and less time for social interaction makes it more difficult to navigate through the demands of childrearing (Weinraub & Wolfe, 1983). Moreover, daily difficulties in living situation combined with daily struggles over competing roles and alternating responsibilities predicted compromised parent confidence, which can compound the effects of the distress (Ceballo & Hurd, 2008). Taking these results into CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 8 consideration, early interventions should include parent management training, in order to assist parents in combating the distress that can lead to deleterious family outcomes (Rodgers, 1998). Parent Behaviors Parenting behaviors influence child outcomes. Positive parenting, a prevalent protective factor influencing child adaptation, is rooted in a pattern of prompt, appropriate, and warm caregiver response. On the other hand, inconsistent, incompetent, or malicious parenting can contribute poor child outcomes. These parenting practices reflect a harsh, inflexible approach that does not foster child growth and development, and can engender risk of child maladjustment (Mash, Wolfe, Parritz, & Troy, 2011). Positive relationships with young children are critical as they assist in fostering child neurological, cognitive, emotional, and personality development. These relationships are promoted through supportive and sensitive parenting practices. Supportiveness Parenting that is high in sensitivity or supportiveness to the child’s capabilities lead to positive child outcomes (Belsky, 1984). Sensitive, responsive parenting promotes emotional security, positive behavioral avenues, and even intellectual development. Correcting compromised parenting practices can reduce risk for the child, increasing the likelihood of the child achieving optimal adaptation (Mash, et al. 2012). Sokolowski, Hans, Bernstein, & Cox (2007) found that in the context of cumulative risk, maternal stress from conflict with other sources of support decreased likelihood of sensitive-responsive, or supportive interactions with a child. Additionally, decreased maternal social support combined with increased stress predicted more CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 9 hostility in relational interaction with peers, children, and their own parents (Sokolowski, Hans, Bernstein, & Cox, 2007). Also, mothers’ personal stress and distress was negatively correlated with supportiveness and fostering child autonomy, but positively correlated with hostility and poor instruction of the child (Pianta & Egeland, 1990). Further, socioeconomic status, ecological context, and family and social supports are each individually related to discipline responses related to negligent child behavior (Pinderhughes, Dodge, Bates, Pettit, & Zelli, 2000). Collectively these factors provide some of the framework for cumulative risk, and support the idea that cumulative risk impacts parenting supportiveness and intrusiveness. Intrusiveness Distress is linked to authoritarian, or rigid, parenting practices (Deater-Deckard & Scarr, 1996). In turn, these harsh parenting techniques are associated with poor child behavior outcomes. Anthony et al. (2005), using a Head Start sample, found that distress predicted parenting behaviors that were typically less nurturing and unsupportive. Some of the negative parenting behaviors that have previously been studied include harsh discipline, inconsistent parenting, mood-based or fatalistic approach to responsibility, or the parent being preoccupied or having no energy/time to nurture the child (Bank, et al., 1993). In addition, much has been studied as to the intrusiveness or supportiveness of parenting practices. Intrusive and harsh parenting practices have been especially evident in studies of high-risk populations (Pinderhughes et al, 2000). Parent-child Dyadic Relationship: Functional or Dysfunctional The relationship between the parent and child is a transactional process, meaning that the actions of one party lead to a response in the other, which in turn reinforces CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 10 continued response from the first party (Mash et al, 2012; Sameroff & Fiese, 2000). For example, if a parent pays attention to a child during a learning play activity, and praises the child’s achievements, the child is likely to perform these positive behaviors again, eliciting more positive parental response. However, the reverse is true as well, in that negative parenting choices reinforce poor child behavior, which subsequently cause the parent to perceive the child more negatively, promoting harsher parenting behaviors. Parenting stress contributes to dysfunctional and negative choices in parenting (Pinderhughes et al. 2000). This distress could be rooted in a child’s temperament, a long-term illness or disability, or merely rooted in the constant responsibility associated with child-rearing (Deater-Deckard & Scarr, 1996). Distress over parenting can cause a parent’s perceptions to be altered, viewing the child as more incompetent and difficult in temperament than the child actually is (Anthony, et al., 2005). In turn, a parent perceiving a child to be difficult, causing behavior problems, is more likely to have heightened parenting distress, creating a negative response cycle within the transactional dyadic relationship (Creasey & Jarvis, 1994). Also, children whose parents struggle with parenting stress are more likely to internalize their difficulties and problems, a habit that can elicit future poor behavior (Anthony et al, 2005). Crnic, Gaze, & Hoffman (2005) discovered that daily hassles and stressors of everyday life increase hostility between parent and child, contributing to less dyadic pleasure. Parent distress can alter parent appraisals of their child, which in turn compromises child attachment security (Creasey & Jarvis, 1994). From an ecological standpoint, it is important to address the parent-child interaction when addressing parent actions (Belsky, 1984). Positive parent response to the CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 11 child can serve as a buffer or protective factor in a risk context, as the child gains pleasure from their role in the dyadic relationship. Moreover, as seen in the MotherChild interaction project, family and personal relationships account for the most significant portion of a child’s optimal adaption (Pianta & Egeland, 1990). In addition, a dysfunctional parent-child interaction can be a side effect of parent psychological distress (Reitman, Currier, & Stickle, 2002). A primary target of early intervention programs should be parenting interventions, so that parents can establish good parenting habits that will reinforce good child behavior, and thus will promote secure attachment relationships. Salient Predictor of Child Outcomes Perhaps the most convincing reason to research parenting behaviors is the implications for child development. The theoretical foundations of psychology point to early childhood experiences and the power they have to influence and shape child personality, adjustment, and behavior. A vast body of research cements the undeniable fact that parenting choices and behaviors have direct, relevant implications for resulting child behavior. In a study of a different high risk population, harsh parenting practices and poor parenting decisions were directly linked to reoccurring problems in child behavior. Additionally, contextual factors that are responsible for affecting and impacting parent behaviors result in conduct problems and severe behavioral disturbances in children (Bank et al., 1993). Family stress theory indicates that the parent psychological distress, or the cognitive and emotional aspects of distress, can contribute to compromised parenting practices. In turn, compromised parenting choices and CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 12 behaviors are directly linked to child social, emotional, and behavioral maladjustment (Kotchick, Dorsey, & Heller, 2005). Crnic, Gaze, and Hoffman (2005) substantiated that parenting reactions to daily hassles and stressors of life mediates the relationship between an environment at risk for stress and child outcomes. Thus, a pervading atmosphere of stress led to greater risk of difficulties with child behavior problems. Additionally, according to the diathesis-stress model, inherent genetic or biological risks can be exacerbated in a context of environmental risk and stress (Mash et al., 2012). Thus, in some cases, cumulative risk and stress within the home increased the likelihood of the child developing a disorder or psychopathology. While there is evidence that socioeconomic disadvantage did lead to poor child outcomes and negative adaptation, this pathway was mediated by maternal ability to handle parenting stress and parenting competently. It is imperative, then, to utilize any means possible to strengthen positive parenting patterns, and weaken and break cycles of poor parenting. Early Head Start One program that offers an opportunity to study parenting behaviors within the context of risk is Early Head Start (EHS). EHS is a federal program that targets vulnerable families with early interventions. EHS programs focus on pregnant women, infants, and toddlers that come from low-income backgrounds. The goal of the program is to promote and support physical, socio-emotional, and cognitive growth among children, to promote healthy prenatal outcomes for pregnant women, and healthy family functioning overall (Early Head Start National Resource Center, 2013). Many of the CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 13 families in the EHS program exhibit the factors mentioned previously that contribute to cumulative risk. Within these family groups, many of the mothers have low levels of education, are young, have multiple children, which places them at risk for compromised parenting behaviors. Additionally, this population includes a notable risk for maternal depression and parenting distress. As such, it is an optimal sample for further exploring the relationship between cumulative risk, parenting distress, and parenting outcomes (Administration on Children, 2002). Proposed Theoretical Model The current study specifically explored the associations among cumulative risk and maternal supportiveness, maternal intrusiveness, and parent-child dysfunction (see Figure 1). Given the previous research, it was hypothesized that within the EHS sample, high cumulative risk at intake would be associated with negative parenting behaviors at 36 months. Figure 1: Proposed model for Hypothesis 1. Additionally, it was hypothesized that the association between cumulative sociodemographic risk and parenting behaviors at 36 months would be mediated by parental distress, measured at 24 months (See Figure 2). The three parenting factors CUMULATIVE RISK AND PARENTING 14 assessed in both of these models are supportiveness, intrusiveness, and parent-child dysfunctional interaction. Thus Hypothesis 2 suggested that the relationships between cumulative risk and parent supportiveness, between cumulative risk and parent intrusiveness, and between cumulative risk and the parent-child dysfunctional interaction are each mediated by parental distress. Within this model, gender of the focus child, and maternal depression were included as control variables. Figure 2. Proposed model for Hypothesis 2.